ANTI-INTELLECTUALISM AS THE BOND OF MAGA
Trumpism, Christian Nationalism, and the War on “Woke”

Timothy P. Cotton
www.truthandway.org

 Abstract
   This paper argues that the MAGA movement—rooted in Trumpism, Christian nationalism, and right-wing extremism—is not held together by coherent theology, policy, or ideology, but by anti-intellectualism.
   This shared hostility toward knowledge, expertise, and critical reflection forms the adhesive that binds together otherwise disparate factions, including dispensationalist Christians, white nationalists, conspiracy theorists, and authoritarian politicians. The demonization of the word woke offers a lens through which this dynamic is revealed. Originally a term signifying awareness of injustice, woke has been weaponized by MAGA into a cultural enemy.
   The rejection of woke is not simply disagreement over race, gender, or social justice; it is a rejection of awareness itself. To awaken is to think, and to think is to resist the closed, grievance-driven worldview that sustains the MAGA identity. This paper situates MAGA’s anti-intellectualism within the broader history of American suspicion toward intellectual life, from Puritan ambivalence toward “worldly wisdom” to the fundamentalist-modernist controversies of the twentieth century.
   It further explores how dispensationalist Christianity and Christian nationalism reinforce authoritarian belief systems that elevate loyalty over truth. Drawing parallels with fascist traditions of myth, spectacle, and leader-worship, the paper highlights how MAGA reproduces patterns of us-versus-them politics, scapegoating, and violence.
   Finally, the paper examines the cult-like dynamic in which MAGA adherents support leaders and policies that harm them materially and socially, demonstrating the depth of anti-intellectual loyalty. In contrast, the theological voices of Karl Barth and Jürgen Moltmann are presented as resources for an alternative vision: a faith that embraces critical thought, resists authoritarianism, and welcomes awareness as the path to justice and hope.

I. Introduction 
   In contemporary America, the MAGA movement—rooted in Trumpism, Christian nationalism, and right-wing extremism—has become a powerful cultural and political force.
   Unlike traditional political coalitions that rally around clear policy goals, MAGA is best understood as an identity movement. Its cohesion does not come from coherent theology, consistent ideology, or even shared political platforms, but from a common hostility toward critical thought, scholarship, and truth. At its core, MAGA is bound together by anti-intellectualism. This rejection of reason, history, and self-reflection provides the adhesive that allows diverse factions—religious fundamentalists, white nationalists, conspiracy theorists, and authoritarian politicians—to unite under a single banner.
   The movement’s war against the concept of “woke” reveals this dynamic with particular clarity. In its original usage, to be “woke” meant to be awake to injustice—especially racial oppression and systemic inequities. Yet MAGA has turned “woke” into a slur, a symbol of everything it fears: diversity, inclusion, awareness, and critical engagement with the past.
In MAGA discourse, “woke” is not simply a rival political position; it is the very idea of awakening itself, the possibility of seeing reality beyond propaganda and grievance. Thus, opposition to “woke” flows naturally from anti-intellectualism: the MAGA movement cannot tolerate awareness, because awareness undermines the closed, myth-driven worldview that sustains it.
   Anti-intellectualism in MAGA does more than distort language. It fuels racism, misogyny, and the creation of the anthropological “other.” By rejecting history, social science, and critical inquiry, MAGA legitimizes an us-versus-them mentality where minorities, immigrants, women, and the marginalized are cast as threats to the nation and its supposed Christian identity. This hostility has spilled into violence. Over the past decade, the majority of mass shootings and school shootings in the United States have been perpetrated by individuals influenced by right-wing extremist ideology. Whether animated by white supremacy, anti-immigrant resentment, or misogynistic rage, these acts of terror emerge from the same anti-intellectual soil that denies inconvenient truths and glorifies simplistic narratives of power.
   Theologically, MAGA’s Christianity reinforces this rejection of intellect. Dispensationalist literalism and prosperity gospel spectacle offer a faith without thought, belief without understanding—a counterfeit Christianity that sanctifies authoritarianism. Political fascism supplies the parallel: loyalty to the leader above truth, myth above history, grievance above justice.Together, these forces converge in a movement defined by its war on knowledge and its demand for uncritical allegiance.
   This paper argues that anti-intellectualism is the essential bond holding together MAGA’s disparate factions. By tracing the historical roots of anti-intellectualism in American life, examining its theological expression in false Christianity, and situating it alongside fascist traditions of unreason, we can see how it fuels not only the movement’s disdain for “woke” but also its racism, misogyny, and violence. Finally, the paper will suggest that genuine Christian theology—particularly the insights of Karl Barth and Jürgen Moltmann—offers a counter-vision: a faith that welcomes critical thought as an ally of truth, resists authoritarianism, and embraces awareness as the path to justice and hope.

II. Historical Roots of American Anti-Intellectualism 
​   The anti-intellectualism at the heart of the MAGA movement is not a recent invention. It draws from a deep well within American history, where suspicion of intellectual life has long coexisted with national identity. As Richard Hofstadter documented in his seminal work  Anti-Intellectualism in American Life (1963), the United States has repeatedly valorized “common sense” over scholarship, emotional fervor over reasoned reflection, and populist rhetoric over intellectual depth. The MAGA movement is the latest and most dangerous manifestation of this longstanding cultural pattern.
   The Puritans brought with them a strong emphasis on biblical authority and moral seriousness, but they also carried deep ambivalence toward “worldly wisdom.” The fear that human reason could corrupt divine revelation produced a religious culture wary of critical thought.
   This suspicion of intellect deepened during the Great Awakenings of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, where revivalist preaching privileged emotional experience and ecstatic conversion over doctrinal clarity or theological debate. The anti-intellectual tone of revivalist Christianity set the stage for later fundamentalist reactions.
   The nineteenth century also saw the rise of populist politics that appealed directly to “the people” against elites. Intellectuals, experts, and academics were cast as untrustworthy outsiders, supposedly detached from the values of ordinary Americans. This populist suspicion of intellect dovetailed with the evangelical Protestant emphasis on personal experience, creating a distinctly American pattern: the elevation of the “plain man’s wisdom” over the insights of scholarship. It was this cultural soil that nourished the fundamentalist-modernist controversy of the early twentieth century. The infamous Scopes “Monkey Trial” of 1925 symbolized more than a dispute over evolution; it marked the triumph of anti-intellectual populism over scientific inquiry in the popular imagination.
   The legacy of these conflicts persists. Evangelical suspicion of science, history, and higher education has been handed down across generations. The Cold War further cemented the association of intellectualism with elitism, secularism, and even subversion. By the late twentieth century, televangelism and culture wars over prayer in schools, feminism, and evolution in textbooks reinforced the sense that intellectual life was an enemy to “real America.” The groundwork was laid for the twenty-first century, where MAGA would weaponize anti-intellectualism on a scale unprecedented in American history.
   What distinguishes the MAGA movement from earlier iterations is its scope and intensity. Social media and partisan media ecosystems amplify anti-intellectual rhetoric at lightning speed, creating echo chambers where misinformation thrives unchecked. The phrase “fake news” became a mantra not simply to discredit journalists, but to delegitimize the very idea of truth as something discoverable through evidence and reason.
   In this environment, anti-intellectualism is not just a cultural tendency but an organizing principle. It serves as the connective tissue between religious fundamentalists who reject science, conspiracy theorists who dismiss facts, and political authoritarians who demand loyalty above truth. This is why MAGA’s disdain for the word “woke” resonates so deeply: to awaken is to think, and to think is to resist the cult of grievance and myth.
   By recognizing these historical roots, we see that MAGA’s anti-intellectualism is not accidental but inherited, not marginal but central to American identity. The danger lies in how MAGA intensifies this tradition, combining it with authoritarian impulses and a willingness to use violence against those it deems the “other.” In this sense, the historical currents of anti-intellectualism in America have culminated in their
most dangerous form yet.

III. Christian Nationalism and Dispensationalism 
    MAGA’s religious foundation is heavily indebted to Christian nationalism and dispensationalist theology. Christian nationalism frames the United States as a nation chosen by God, its destiny tied to a supposed covenantal identity as a Christian nation. This ideology conflates the cross with the flag and treats dissent as betrayal of both God and country. It is inherently anti-intellectual, because it cannot withstand critical historical scrutiny: the nation’s founding was not Christian in character, its legacy is stained with slavery and genocide, and its Constitution guarantees freedom of religion, not Christian dominance. For Christian nationalism to survive, it must distrust historians, theologians, and educators who expose its contradictions.
   Dispensationalism intensifies this suspicion of critical thought. Emerging from John Nelson Darby and popularized through the Scofield Reference Bible, Dispensationalism reads scripture as a literal and predictive roadmap of history. Its obsession with end-times prophecy and rapture theology creates an alternative epistemology closed off to historical-critical interpretation. Within this worldview, experts in history or science are irrelevant, because prophecy supersedes evidence. This reinforces authoritarian structures: pastors and teachers are not interpreters but gatekeepers of secret knowledge, and followers are forbidden to question.
   The anti-intellectualism of dispensationalism dovetails perfectly with MAGA’s politics. It provides a theological justification for anti-immigrant policies (“nations must remain separate”), for militarism (“support for Israel ensures God’s blessing”), and for authoritarian loyalty (“God raises leaders”). Together with Christian nationalism, it fuels a culture where belief is prized over understanding, loyalty over truth, and myth over history. This “faith without thought” provides a counterfeit Christianity that blesses authoritarianism while branding awareness as rebellion against God.

IV. Fascism and MAGA 
   The MAGA movement represents not just an echo of but its American incarnation. fascism. While Mussolini's Italy or Hitler's Germany mobilized myth, violence, and  authoritarian loyalty, they did not possess the same kind of deeply religious core that MAGA does. The fusion of fascism with Christian nationalism and dispensationalist theology produces a uniquely dangerous variant of authoritarianism. It sanctifies violence as divine will, cloaks authoritarianism in biblical language, and demands loyalty not only to a leader but to a God-ordained vision of nationhood. in this sense, American fascism may prove more dangerous than its twentieth-century predecessors: where fascism once claimed the authority of history, race, or blood, MAGA fascism claims the authority of God. That religious core gives it resilience against criticism, ferocity against perceived enemies, and an apocalyptic urgency that legitimizes self-destruction in the name of loyalty.
    Twentieth-century fascism thrived on myth, spectacle, and grievance. It offered national rebirth through scapegoating, demanded loyalty to a charismatic leader, and rejected reason as weakness. MAGA mirrors this pattern. Its rallies are liturgical spectacles; its slogans, like “Stop the Steal,” function as myths immune to evidence.
   Donald Trump embodies the leader cult, demanding loyalty above truth. His followers accept contradictions because the movement is not rationally grounded,
but emotionally and mythically sustained.
   Like fascist movements of the past, MAGA defines itself through enemies: immigrants, feminists, racial minorities, academics, and journalists.These “others” are cast as parasites, destroying the purity of the nation. This us-versus-them worldview, fueled by anti-intellectualism, dehumanizes opponents and makes violence appear justified. The attempted coup on January 6, 2021, the armed intimidation of state legislatures, and the steady rise of political violence are not accidents; they are the logical outcome of a movement whose identity depends on grievance and myth.
   Fascism historically demanded conformity of thought and culture. MAGA seeks the same through book bans, attacks on education, and censorship of history.
The war on “critical race theory” and “gender ideology” is not about curriculum; it is about silencing awareness. The fight against “woke” thus echoes fascist purges of intellectual life, where truth is dangerous because it awakens the people to injustice.
   Another hallmark of fascist-style movements, which MAGA embodies, is that followers will support the movement even to their own detriment.
Cult-like loyalty overrides rational self-interest. Economic policies that benefit the wealthy at the expense of working-class MAGA supporters are still embraced if they are framed as victories for the movement. Healthcare protections that could improve lives are opposed because they are associated with political enemies. Even proposals to cut Social Security or Medicare, which would materially harm many MAGA adherents, are tolerated if endorsed by movement leaders. The rejection of COVID-19 safety measures, despite the devastating toll on MAGA-leaning communities, exemplifies how loyalty is valued above life itself. This self-destructive support underscores the depth of anti-intellectualism: when rational reflection is abandoned, loyalty to identity and grievance replaces awareness of one’s own well-being. MAGA thrives on this dynamic, as fascist movements before it did, binding people to a cause that actively harms them.

V. The War on Woke
   If anti-intellectualism is the glue of MAGA, then its battle against “woke” is the movement’s clearest expression. In its truest sense, to be woke means to be awake to injustice—alert to racism, sexism, inequality, and systemic oppression. MAGA has weaponized the term into a slur, branding awareness as weakness and justice as tyranny. The disdain for “woke” reflects more than political disagreement; it is a rejection of the very idea of consciousness and critical reflection.
   This war on woke has concrete policy consequences. Across the country, MAGA-led legislatures have banned books, censored history curricula, restricted teaching about race and gender, and criminalized honest discussion in classrooms. These measures are justified as protecting children from indoctrination, but in reality they enforce ignorance. They are acts of intellectual suppression that ensure future generations will be unprepared to challenge authoritarian myths.
   The fixation on “woke” also exposes the movement’s racism and misogyny. Anti-woke rhetoric disproportionately targets racial justice, feminism, LGBTQ+ rights, and immigrant advocacy. It constructs an “other” that must be silenced, excluded, or attacked. This dehumanization has emboldened violence, from hate crimes to mass shootings carried out by extremists citing right-wing conspiracies. In this sense, MAGA’s anti-woke campaign is not merely cultural; it is existential, defining who belongs in America and who does not.

VI. Theological Counter-Voices
   The theology of MAGA is not the only Christian voice. Throughout history, thinkers like Karl Barth and Jürgen Moltmann have offered powerful critiques of authoritarian faith and anti-intellectual religion. Barth, in his rejection of Nazi-aligned Christianity, insisted on the lordship of Christ over all ideologies.
   Dietrich Bonhoeffer's warning against “cheap grace” speaks directly to MAGA’s counterfeit gospel: faith without thought, discipleship without cost, and allegiance without truth.
   Moltmann’s theology of hope likewise provides an antidote. By grounding faith in the future of God’s new creation, Moltmann resists closed systems and authoritarian certainty. His vision insists that theology must remain open to history, reason, and the cries of the oppressed. Against MAGA’s authoritarianism, Moltmann calls for a discipleship that embraces critical reflection as part of Christian hope.
   Together, these theological counter-voices remind us that Christianity is not inherently anti-intellectual. Rather, the rejection of intellect is a distortion, a counterfeit faith that serves authoritarian ends. True faith seeks understanding, resists falsehood, and embraces awareness as participation in God’s truth.

VII. Conclusion
   Anti-intellectualism is the essential bond of the MAGA movement. It explains why disparate factions—Christian nationalists, conspiracy theorists, white supremacists, and authoritarian politicians—can unite despite conflicting ideologies. It undergirds the movement’s rejection of “woke,” because to awaken is to resist propaganda. It fuels racism, misogyny, and violence by constructing an anthropological “other” that must be silenced or destroyed.
   By tracing its historical roots, examining its theological distortions, and situating it within the broader tradition of fascist unreason, we see MAGA for what it is: not a political agenda but an anti-intellectual cult of grievance. The rejection of thought is not incidental; it is the movement’s essence.
   Against this, the task of theology, politics, and culture is clear: to resist the war on thought, to defend the possibility of truth, and to embrace awareness as a moral and spiritual imperative. If MAGA thrives on anti-intellectualism, then the most radical act of resistance is to think, to awaken, and to hope.